During his first term as the PM, political morality hit rock bottom with the kidnapping of MPs, culminating in their purchase and sale, expending astronomical sums of money. They were offered costly vehicles with huge tax subsidy. This is said to have marked the beginning of state-sponsored corruption in Nepal, which has now taken firm root in the country
Newly appointed Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba for the fifth time now has equaled the record of his mentor Girija Prasad Koirala, who enjoys the distinction of becoming not only the Prime Minister but also the Head of State. If Deuba's astrologer is to be believed, he is likely to perform the political feat of occupying this coveted position for the seventh time in his lifetime.
The ascent of Deuba to this dizzy height is more remarkable when judged against the backdrop of his modest familial standing, coming from far-off Dadheldhura, the extreme western part of Nepal. Despite this, he became the president of the students' wing of the Nepali Congress, which offered a platform to bounce up in the political arena.
To reach such a breathtaking height, coming from such a remote place, is a Herculean task indeed.
The launch of the People's Movement, leading to the downfall of the Panchayat system, kept the door ajar for Deuba's prosperity with his appointment as the Home Minister.
Later, he became the Prime Minister of a coalition government formed with the erstwhile followers of the Panchayat system on September12, 1995. It was then that the Maoist rebellion took off with the submission of a 40-point demand.
During his term, political morality hit rock bottom with the kidnapping of parliamentarians, culminating in their purchase and sale, expending astronomical sums of money. The parliamentarians were offered costly vehicles like Pajeros and Prados with huge tax subsidy. This is said to have marked the beginning of state- sponsored corruption in Nepal, which has now taken firm root in the country.
Two exceptions, now late Bidur Paudel of the Nepali Congress and Prem Singh Dhami of the UML were labelled as ducks among the cranes for spurning the corrupt offer.
In his second stint as the Prime Minister, beginning from July 26, 2001, the rebellion scaled such a dizzy height that it led to the imposition of an emergency.
Further, he dissolved the Parliament, announcing new elections.
He formed a new party known as the Democratic Nepali Congress. After renewing it, he was fired from his party.
The Maoist rebellion had attained such a scale that the elections could not be held. King Gyanendra took it as a pretext to depose him, labelling him as an incompetent prime minister.
But he was again reappointed by King Gyanendra on June 4, 2004 after the two successive governments could not stem the tide of the movement for a republican Nepal. In an incredible seesaw political game, the king put him, his cabinet and the entire politicians of the other political parties under house arrest, promoting himself as the absolute monarch.
After being taken for a ride by the king on two occasions, wisdom finally dawned on him to unite his splinter party with the mother party, the Nepali Congress. After the parliamentary forces and the rebels joined hands, the monarchy had to make an exit, heralding a republican Nepal. Nepal entered into a federal system with the constitution framed by the Constituent Assembly. In the meantime, Deuba became the president of Nepali Congress, defeating Ram Chandra Paudel, the senior party leader.
Deuba again became the Prime Minister for the fourth time on June 7, 2017, when he formed a coalition with the Maoists. The supporters of the Nepali Congress became very disappointed with Deuba after he supported the Maoist candidate, ignoring his own party member candidate.
Under his leadership, the Nepali Congress suffered such a heavy electoral defeat that it could not form a government even in a single province after the Maoists joined the UML in the national election.
Deuba's performance as the opposition leader was, perhaps,the worst Nepal's parliamentary democracy has witnessed so far in its history.
It supported the policy and programme of the governmentwhen the tradition is to oppose it as an opposition party. As good luck would have it, the infighting within the ruling party led to the emergence of Deuba as the Prime Minister for the fifth time on July 12, 2021.
His earlier spells have thus been scarred by the entry of state-sponsored corruption, decomposition of the party, handing over democracy to the palace and, above all,leading his party to a humiliating defeat in the national election, to name a few.
Many politicians have achieved incredible positive transformation in the past as a caterpillar turns into a butterfly. Girija Prasad Koirala is an eye-popping example.
He had become so unpopular that he turned to the more charismatic and saintly politician Krishna Prasad Bhattarai as the prime ministerial candidate in the 1999national election. After obtaining a majority, he ruthlessly compelled Bhattarai to resign so that he could become the prime minister.
His image took such a drubbing that many thought it was irreparable.
But he made such deft political moves that he ended up becoming the Head of State in the twilight of his political career.
A similar opportunity is staring Deuba in his face.
For this, he has to immediately wage war on two fronts, corona and the disasters to begin with.
Whilst the corona can be tamed by a vaccine, disasters like floods, landslides, wildfires, pollution and lightning can be prevented by the age-old digging of ponds right from the hills to the plains. He should then turn to bury the corruption monster forever as did Prime Minister Modi in India.
Deuba should realise that a double-edged sword is hanging over his head as that of the Greek King Damocles.
His failure at this juncture will not only impair his image further but also lead to the defeat of the Nepali Congress in the forthcoming election when it is now comfortably placed to secure a landslide win. How best Deuba makes use of these will be seen in the coming days.
A version of this article appears in the print on July 21 2021, of The Himalayan Times.
