Opinion

Political rallies in the capital: For and against the government

If the government's dismal performance continues, it may also precipitate a Bangladesh-like revolution in Nepal as well

By Jiba Raj Pokharel

File---Rallies in support of Dahal-Nepal faction of the ruling Nepal Communist Party (NCP) obstruct movement of people, in Kathmandu, on Wednesday, February 10, 2021. Photo: THT Online

Kathmandu, the capital of Nepal, was virtually paralysed by the political rallies for and against the Unified Marxist-Leninist Political (UML).

The UML staged a show of strength in what it called the Jagaran, or reawakening programme, at Durbar Marg, the heart of the city, against the growing anarchy in the country. It was followed by yet another political rally launched by medical entrepreneur Durga Prasain in Koteswore, one of the most crowded transport hubs, with a campaign of protecting the nation, nationalism, religion and culture through the revival of the monarchy.

Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) organised the second phase of a similar demonstration at Maiti Ghar, protesting against the imprisonment of its leader Rabi Lamichhane. The trio triggered a vehicular jam of incredible proportion with some people stranded on the road for hours together.

The country is being ruled by a political coalition of the largest party, the Nepali Congress (NC), and the second largest in the parliament, the UML. Though the coalition commands near to a two-third majority, its performance has not matched this strength. It can be glaringly seen in the statement of the Prime Minister that some of the national pride projects started in the time of the grandfather remained unfinished even in the grandson's tenure.

The formation of this coalition at midnight, against the political backdrop of such parties sharing opposite benches in the Parliament, has itself sparked conspiracy theories.

The opposition parties consisting of the Maoist Centre (MC), Rastriya Swatantra Party as well as the Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP) had smelt a rat in this unusual political bonhomie, saying that it was done hurriedly to blunt the cases that were about to be launched against the multiple corrupt dealings of former prime minister Sher Bahadur Deuba and Prime Minister Oli, particularly in the wide-body and Giri Bandhu Tea Estate scams.

What followed is a seemingly tit for tat activity by imprisoning RSP Chairman Lamicchane immediately after the formation of the NC-UML coalition. Though it was based on the recommendation given by a committee held to look at the alleged irregularities of Lamicchane in the cooperative scam, the RSP has dismissed it as nothing more than a political vendetta.

The underperformance and the alleged corruption of the towering leaders of the coalition have provided a fertile breeding ground for political dissent in the country. It has been very effectively exploited by the opposition parties and individuals like Prasain, a medical tycoon of Nepal.

At one time, he was working hand in glove with Oli and MC leader Prachanda to the extent that he professed to be the political grandson of Oli. He also very effectively patched up the differences between Oli and Prachanda, when they were virtually estranged, by the arrangement of a dinner dominated by Kalo Marsi, a very delicious rice variety in Nepal.

All hell broke loose after Prasain was not given the affiliation for some courses to be started in his medical college primarily because of the protest of medical practitioner Govinda KC, the champion of fast-unto-death strikes.

Prasain mounted verbal attacks against Oli for which he was fired from the central committee of the UML. More recently, he has come with a new disclosure on social media that Oli had deposited around Rs 21 billion in Cambodia. In stark contrast, Oli's supporters have said that it is a mere allegation as Oli has already donated his property to a trust receivable after his demise.

The opposition is expecting a Bangladesh-like revolution in Nepal due to a few similarities existing in these two countries. Talking of the similarities, they are the corruption rife in the country, the abuse of reservation quota and the crack down on the opposition.

The dissimilarity is the widespread allegation of rigging in the Bangladeshi national election against a fairly just election conducted in Nepal and, above all, the active participation of the students in Bangladesh as against virtually nil in Nepal.

Talking about corruption, Bangladesh and Nepal share a ranking of 149 and 108 among 180 countries of the world in the report of Transparency International. Though Nepal is less corrupt, its three-digit ranking shows that corruption omnipresent in Nepal. The reservation quota in Nepal is administered by the Public Service Commission and it is less controversial compared to Bangladesh.

The intolerance shown to the opposition was also intense in the case of Bangladesh compared to a rather moderate one in Nepal. The opposition leader, Begum Khalida, was in house arrest when the disgraced Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Haina fled to neighbouring India after the revolution scaled dizzy heights in Bangladesh. Nepal's opposition leader Lamicchane and now Durga Prasain are behind bars, but both after being caught red-handed in the cooperative scam and cybercrime.

Sheikh Hasina is said to have manipulated the national election while it is virtually nil in Nepal apart from a few rather normal skirmishes between the political parties here and there. But the most determining factor is the active role undertaken by the students in Bangladesh as against the support shown for the government in Nepal. Given that most of the students are in the foreign countries, this is not likely to be so in Nepal even in the near future.

The participation of people in the forthcoming by-elections indicates that people continue to believe in the existing polity in Nepal. But they are bitterly disappointed by the dismal performance of the towering leaders like Deuba, Oli and Prachanda.

If this tendency prolongs, it may precipitate a Bangladesh-like revolution in Nepal as well. After all, changes have taken place in the existing political system after people took to the streets in 1950, 1990 and 2008 in the past.