After the restoration of democracy in Nepal in 1990, the expenditure of lakhs and crores of rupees by candidates in elections from ward to the parliament is the root of corruption. Like any investment in a business, the expenditure incurred by candidates and the tendency to collect profits and interest on that investment have led to corruption in all bodies of the state machinery, making the country hollow. The fact that the families of the defeated candidates are ruined due to such huge and unnatural expenditure and the elected candidates are ruining the country is as clear as the sun. In the current situation, the upcoming elections on March 5 next year under the current constitution will definitely not be able to address the issues of corruption prevention and good governance raised by the Gen Z movement. And there can be no doubt that this election will also repeat the vicious cycle of corruption.

The current Sushila Karki-led interim government was formed based on the doctrine of necessity, which is based on the idea that 'what is not otherwise legitimate is legitimated by necessity.' The interim government, which was formed to resolve the crisis arising from the nationwide Gen Z anger in the last week of last Bhadra, has started to appear incapable of performing its duties according to the mandate due to one immaturity after another. While the main demand of Gen Z is a corruption-free state apparatus and good governance, the President has defined the status of the Sushila Karki-led government as not being able to do anything other than related to the election of the House of Representatives within six months.

Although the Prime Minister of the interim government has made it clear that she is determined to control corruption within five days, his own minister of communications has made a contradictory statement that it will take up to 15 years to do so. It is thus clear that there is no 'team work' spirit in the interim government. In such a situation, the interim government can neither provide a corruption-free state apparatus and good governance nor can it create an environment where elections can be held smoothly within the deadline.

Another question is that an election conducted by continuing the bad tradition of multi-million-rupee investments and transactions by candidates is sure to continue corruption. Neither the President has shown any determination to break the vicious cycle of corruption, nor has the interim government presented any sustainable roadmap. In such a situation, neither the legitimacy of the interim government nor the significance of the elections to be held in March is confirmed.

Meanwhile, political parties and civil society are currently working to find timely solutions to the constitutional crisis that has arisen following the dissolution of the Parliament, based on legal practice as well as the doctrine of necessity. Among them, three main options have emerged: 1) Restoration of the dissolved House of Representatives, 2) Elections to the House of Representatives, and 3) Interim Legislative Parliament.

The constitutional crisis that has arisen following the recent dissolution of the Parliament in Nepal has forced the political parties, civil society, and youth activists to seek new solutions. The crisis, which began with the anti-corruption movement in September 2025, has led to the resignation of Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli and the appointment of Interim Prime Minister Sushila Karki. President Ram Chandra Poudel has dissolved the Parliament based on the doctrine of necessity, which the major political parties have called unconstitutional.

An interim legislative parliament has been envisioned in Nepal's extraordinary crisis – a transitional bridge that bridges the gap between the old, broken parliament and the new mandate.

The interim legislative parliament, which will consist of 385 members, including 50 Gen-Z representatives and 50 Gen Z-approved experts, along with 275 members of the dissolved HoR, will amend the current constitution to guide the country in the right direction and provide a result-oriented solution. A win-win structure will not be a single party, but a symbol of shared trust.

Its term will be for only 6 to 12 months, until new elections are held. In this short period, it will do three major things. First, it will update the voter list of youths by timely amending the election law, setting a limit on candidate spending, and opening the door to digital voting.

Second, it will introduce a direct presidential election system through constitutional amendments, making the federal structure effective and clarifying the powers of the provinces. Third, it will introduce a corruption control act that will provide for punishment up to the death penalty for abuse of public office, prevent money laundering, and make the Independent Authority Commission more powerful.

This interim parliament will not only be a place to make laws, but also a means to institutionalise the people's anger and hopes, which will sow the seeds of reform between the end of the old system and the beginning of a new Nepal.

There are differences between the political parties and civil society on these options, but only through consensus and reform can a long-term solution be found. If a viable alternative is not found in time, the country could face one disaster after another. Establishing an interim legislative parliament for one year with clear inclusion of Gen Z stakeholders is a strong option.