Sasmit Pokharel, 29, is running for the House of Representatives Kathmandu Constituency-5 on a Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) ticket. The electorate has heavyweight contenders from traditional parties, but Sasmit is poised to challenge them as the youngest and newest option for the voters this time around. In view of the imminent heavyweight battle in Kathmandu-5, Pokharel shared with Bal Krishna Sah of The Himalayan Times what agendas he is bringing up for the voters and what is so different about him. Excerpts: How is your campaign going? How are you eyeing your competition with the heavyweight candidates in Kathmandu-5? The campaign is going much better than we expected and gaining traction every day. Despite our physical exhaustion, we are now mentally stronger. I do not see myself as 'coming' to Kathmandu-5, because I have always belonged here. This is my home, not just a constituency. This is where I was born. My family's houses are on this street, and when our house was built, there were no other houses nearby, just paddy fields and crops. I grew up in this area, and the constituency has seen me grow as I have seen it develop, so I believe I am the one who is rooted here, while others are coming into the contest. Any Nepali citizen has the right to run for Kathmandu-5, which I respect, but I also believe I am the most culturally connected to this constituency, as I was born and raised here. How did you become interested in lawmaking? I studied law and public administration, but my interests were always in policymaking and legislation rather than courtroom practice. During law school, while many of my classmates interned in law firms or courts, I interned at the House of Representatives Secretariat, where I observed committee deliberations, bill drafting, and the overall legislative process. We were occasionally asked by committee chairs to analyse bills, identify legal and political loopholes, and check for constitutional conflicts, and the positive feedback we received convinced me that well-prepared, research-oriented individuals are required in the Parliament. Later, I worked closely on registering amendments and private member bills, which deepened my understanding of policy and law. Kathmandu-5 contains both historic settlements and urban elites. How do you perceive these various aspects of the constituency? Kathmandu-5 is almost evenly divided into two parts: A strong cultural-historical side and an elite, urban side, which I see as complementary rather than opposing. Tokha, Hadigaun and surrounding settlements are historically significant; Hadigaun is considered Kathmandu's first settlement, older than Basantapur and Bhaktapur, with the remains of the Licchavi period still found there. On the other hand, Baluwatar and Lazimpat are home to the prime minister's residence, the president's residence, the former royal residence, and many of the country's most powerful embassies, making it one of Nepal's most politically significant constituencies. I feel I have a deeper connection to local identity than other candidates because I grew up here, went to local celebrations like the Hadigaun Jatra, and feel a cultural bond with both Hadigaun and Tokha. In addition, I have strong ties to young business owners and startups in the affluent areas of the constituency, particularly in the software and IT industries, and we are currently debating how to strengthen the legislative and regulatory frameworks to safeguard and advance the private sector in Bagmati and Kathmandu. Having ties to both the elite and cultural spheres has greatly helped our campaign. Kathmandu-5 is already one of the most developed parts of the country. What are the main issues you have identified, and what would you prioritise if elected as lawmaker for this constituency? Despite being one of Nepal's most developed constituencies, basic needs remain unmet. When we go door to door, the most common issue raised is access to drinking water. Many neighbourhoods still lack a reliable, safe water supply. Sanitation is another issue because parts of the constituency are located along the Dhobi Khola and Bishnumati corridors, which are prone to flooding and environmental degradation. Therefore, the MP must actively coordinate with local, provincial and federal authorities. Culturally significant areas such as Hadigaun and Tokha have long been overlooked, but initiatives such as the car-free Hadigaun programme we launched in Kathmandu Metropolitan City - closing the street once a week - have generated grassroots employment and enabled local women and housewives to earn Rs 40,000 to Rs 50,000 per month by selling indigenous food and drinks while also promoting local culture. Inspired by this, Tokha has launched its own weekly street event, and as an MP, I want to ensure that such cultural hubs receive ongoing support so that their historical and civilisational significance is recognised nationally. What would be your top priorities if you entered Parliament? The first priority is to reform education at the national level. In Kathmandu Metropolitan City, we made significant changes to public schools, such as improving infrastructure, introducing smart boards and digital classrooms, training teachers, and raising performance, to the point where public schools in Kathmandu now match or exceed the national average of private schools on key exam results. The narrative that public schools are inherently inferior has been challenged, as a randomly selected public school in Kathmandu now provides better infrastructure and teaching quality than the average private school. As an MP, I want to create a strong legal and policy framework to replicate this model throughout Nepal, demonstrating that what worked in Kathmandu can be scaled nationally with proper laws, budgets and standards. Some argue that there is not enough budget to replicate such reforms nationwide. Do you still think it is realistic? It is realistic because we already have a concrete success story in Kathmandu; this is not an abstract idea but a tested model. As lawmakers, our job would be to design the legal and policy framework so that budgeting, standards and accountability mechanisms allow local governments across the country to adopt similar reforms, rather than leaving each municipality to improvise on its own. Another top priority would be the Nomad Visa. For years, we have said that tourism is Nepal's future, but the discussion has often been very general, with no specific mechanisms in place to attract the types of visitors who generate long-term economic value. Today, there are hundreds of thousands of digital nomads and remote workers around the world who earn good money abroad but choose to live for months or years in relatively inexpensive countries like Thailand or Vietnam, spending almost all of their earnings locally. If Nepal creates a proper digital nomad visa, we could attract higher-spending remote workers in IT and other sectors who would bring 100 per cent of their income to Nepal and spend it on accommodation, food, services and local businesses. At present, many budget tourists come for a short stay and then leave, so the economic impact per person is limited. A well-designed nomad visa would target a different demographic - people with stable, above-average incomes who can contribute more long-term to the economy while also connecting Nepal to global technology and innovation networks. I also want to incorporate sports into the curriculum from an early age in school. This is an already tried-and-true programme in Kathmandu Metropolis. So, on a legal and policy level, I want to establish sports scholarships. Furthermore, cultural heritage will be a priority for promotion and preservation at all levels, from local to international. Digitising public services is another item on my agenda. With these agendas and my experience in law and policymaking, I believe I am the compelling option, not only as the youngest and newest candidate but also as someone who could be vocal from the bottom up to nationalise and represent the issue. How have you processed the Gen Z protests, and how would you work to ensure they are recognised and addressed if you become a lawmaker? The Gen Z movement was not solely the result of two days of protest. It was the outcome of years, even decades, of accumulated frustration and disrespect felt by ordinary people. Multiple corruption scandals, a lack of punishment for powerful figures, and the perception that only lower-level employees were imprisoned while leaders went unpunished all fuelled deep distrust in the system. The immediate triggers were attempts to restrict social media and new corruption cases, but the underlying causes were long-standing failures in accountability and governance. While no one wanted to see government buildings or courts burnt down, that is where we are now, and the state must accept responsibility for both what caused the protests and what happened afterward. One of the core agendas of the Gen Z movement was good governance and anti-corruption, which must also be central to our party. When Gen Z representatives reached a 10-point agreement with the government, the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) took ownership of that document through our unification, and if we win a majority or even two-thirds, we must ensure that the Gen Z movement is formally recognised by the state, possibly at the constitutional level. You have worked and been associated with Balendra Shah. How do you see your party's decision to field him from Jhapa? Following the Gen Z protests, many people on the streets wanted Shah to become prime minister, but he believed in the democratic process and refused to change his mandate as mayor without seeking a new one. He, therefore, supported the formation of a civilian government through elections and joined the party structure, but his decision to run from Jhapa-5 was not motivated by any particular individual rival. It was a strategic decision for the party. We already had a strong base in Kathmandu, but the eastern region, including Jhapa, Morang and Sunsari, required a boost, so his presence in Jhapa had a ripple effect across multiple constituencies. His candidature in Jhapa also drew national attention that a Kathmandu race might not have, boosting the party's overall prospects, and he made this decision on his own, rather than being influenced by figures from older parties who we do not regard as central to our future. What do you and your party feel about federalism? In terms of federalism, I believe that the debate over whether Nepal should be federalised should have occurred 10 years ago. That question is now settled because federalism is built into the constitution's structures for provinces, the presidency, the National Assembly and other institutions. Removing federalism would necessitate a complete rewriting of the constitution, which is neither realistic nor desirable at this time. However, I agree that there are serious problems and bad practices at the provincial level, so we must improve the system, such as reducing the number of MPs and ministers at both the provincial and federal levels and debating whether they are necessary. Instead of arguing for or against federalism, we should focus on making provincial governments more effective by enacting the many missing laws and policies, as well as giving provinces clearer authority and responsibilities.