With the election only a week away, the Nepali political arena is resounding with debates, discussions, and deliberations regarding which party to vote in the upcoming polls. Whilst the parties are conducting political rallies and door-to-door campaigns to lure the voters, the voters are listening to their plans and programmes which they intend to implement to bring about development in the country. Though there are 68 parties taking part in the election, the spotlight is mostly on three parties. They are the Nepali Congress (NC), the Unified Marxist-Leninist (UML), and Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP). This is, however, not to discount the other parties which have also emerged very strongly in recent times. For example, the Ujyalo Nepal Party has also occupied the forefront of Nepali politics. Then there is the Labour Culture Party, which is the brainchild of Harka Sampang, the mayor of Dharan Municipality, which seeks to establish a culture of labour in the country. Though they are claiming to obtain a majority and form the government, which all political parties aspire, such parties have to wait for some time to make a visible national impact. Not all parties can be lucky like the RSP, which even in the maiden effort ended up being the third largest party. Then there are other old parties like the Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP), whose spinal objective is to restore the monarchy in the country. They have, however, failed to provide a road map regarding how this can be done when it has already been showed the exit by the Constituent Assembly Parliament. The only way is through a referendum as held recently in Bangladesh, for which it has to be proposed by two- thirds of parliamentarians as per our constitution, which appears impossible in view of not even a single party securing a majority in the next election. The other way is an all-out revolution, which takes a long time. The RPP may be daydreaming of something like the Gen Z movement, but such movements cannot restore something already decided by the Parliament. Had it been the case, it could have happened after the Gen Z movement, even though such rumours were in the air during this period of uncertainty. The Nepali Communist Party is also on the people's radar after it was formed by dumping the Maoist Centre, the Unified Socialist Party, and the likes without any rhyme or reason. These leaders have not yet given a convincing reason to the people for carrying out a cold murder of these parties. It is but natural that this party, though externally new, has an old interior dominated by fossilised political leaders, and hence it is least likely to attract large numbers of voters. The Madhes-based parties have not been able to come out of their Madhesi cocoon and are at best just regional parties. They will certainly provide competition to the parties having national coverage such as the NC, UML, RSP, and the likes but are not going to make a national impact as seen in the aftermath of past elections. The focus again thus shifts back to the big three – the NC, UML, and RSP, and more on the latter for the national craze that it has generated, especially by its prime ministerial candidate Balen Shah, the former mayor of Kathmandu Metropolitan City. Their suitability to lead the country depends on several factors, but given that this election had its origin in the Gen Z movement which led to the demise of 75 young persons, it has to be judged in terms of how they assess the movement. The NC has made a very convincing statement by saying that it neither disregards the movement nor does it like to take undue benefit, hinting at the UML and the RSP. Moreover, how these parties respond to the essence of the Gen Z movement, which is characterised by the need to change the outdated leadership, end corruption, and institutionalise good governance, is also important. In this context, again the NC has addressed the Gen Z concern fittingly by not only dumping the old and tainted leadership of Sher Bahadur Deuba but also by choosing a new, young, and dynamic leader Gagan Thapa through a special General Convention organised in an incredibly short span of time. The UML turned a deaf ear to it by re-electing its old leader, K P Oli, instead of injecting new leaders like the NC. The RSP has tried to respond to the Gen Z demand by offering candidacy to some Gen Z leaders like Sudan Gurung. It has not only accommodated in its fold persons like Balen Shah, considered as the representative of the Gen Zees, but also projected him as the prime ministerial candidate in the event of the RSP forming a government. This can be taken as an effort to accommodate the Gen Z sentiments, but it is unlike a party of the Gen Zees and thus not adequate enough. The major concern of the voters is certainly about their performance in the upcoming election. The RSP has been predicting it would secure a landslide victory like the Maoists did after the election of the Constituent Assembly, but that was after they had waged a decade-long insurgency. The alleged involvement of its leader in the cooperative scam may act in its disfavour. The NC has been justifiably expecting a clean sweep especially after crafting incredible change under the charismatic leader Thapa. The UML has also been staking the claim on the strength of its strong organization, but it has been dampened by the failure to elect a new leadership. The RSP appears to be stealing the show based on its increasing craze, which will however be clear only after the declaration of the results.