The recent detention of the former Chief Justice (CJ) Cholendra Shumsher JB Rana in the early hours of the morning has raised many questions about the misuse of state machinery. Rana was allegedly picked up from his residence without an arrest warrant. Despite the controversies associated with him in the past, Rana's morning detention without due process was a matter of great concern to the public. The government responded by saying that Rana was not arrested but rather taken to safety after being threatened by Gen-Z. The government later clarified that the threat was made not by Gen-Z but by an unknown group. However, the government's initial response was highly concerning as the government has been misusing and generalizing the term Gen-Z. Gen-Z seems to have been weaponized by the government, ruling Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP), and some of its supporters as it has been used interchangeably as a threat, a force, a pressure group, and a constituency. However, Gen-Z is not a pressure group or a political force but a generation of youngsters born between 1997 and 2012. There is a marked difference between the youngsters who participated in the September 2025 uprising and the Gen-Z age group in general. It is obvious that the September uprising was a direct response to the persistent nepotism, corruption, and overall bad governance that has characterized Nepal's political landscape for decades. The government's abrupt decision to restrict selected social media platforms also added fuel to the fire resulting in massive protests across Nepal that led to the dozens of deaths, injuries, and destruction of both public and private properties worth trillions. While it is true that a section of Gen-Z age group participated in the September protests, it would be unfair to associate everything that happened during the course to Gen-Z as a whole. It is obvious that the protests that began as a student-led non-violent movement turned violent as other groups conspicuously took over the protests. Hence, it is important to distinguish between those who took part in the protests, those who took advantage of the chaos, those who injured civilians and public officials, and those who destroyed public and private properties. We have to understand that there is a big difference between taking part in a protest, supporting the protesters, inciting violence, and destroying property. There are still some concerns regarding who exactly took part in the violence and destruction and who benefited from the mayhem to determine those responsible for triggering the protests and toppling the government. Who exactly authorized and facilitated the violence? Who took advantage of the protests to take revenge or settle scores with selected politicians, public figures, and business houses? What role did the state security agencies play during the protest? Was the violence a pre-planned move by certain groups and individuals to destabilize the government? These are some of the pertinent questions that need to be independently investigated. The Investigation Commission led by Gauri Bahadur Karki was not able to respond convincingly to all of the above questions. However, in a recent television interview Karki hinted at several conspiracies that took place in connection to the protests. He indirectly spilled the beans on the involvement of certain individuals associated with the ruling RSP in agitating the peaceful protest. The September uprising affected Nepal's overall political landscape. The existing government was toppled by massive protests; interim government was formed unconstitutionally under the premiership of former CJ Sushila Karki, and the parliament was abruptly dissolved. The elections that followed saw the RSP as the largest party and Balendra Shah as the Prime Minister. It is important to note that RSP was not the beneficiary of the September protests. In fact, Rabi Lamichhane's alleged jailbreak amidst the protests was initially condemned by the Gen-Z representatives and participants of the protest. Inclusion of Balendra Shah and his team in the eve of the election seems to have changed the fortune of RSP. As much as RSP received tremendous support from the young people of Nepal in the election, it would be unfair to assume that Gen-Z as a whole supports the RSP's agenda. Some young people under this age group voted for the RSP, some voted for other political parties, some voted for independent candidates, and some did not vote at all. Hence, RSP must realize that it is not a sole stakeholder of the Gen-Z. The young generation should neither be idolized nor demonized. Nepali Gen-Z youngsters belong to an age group who cares about the same issues as the youngsters of rest of the world. The concerns of Gen-Z are centered mainly around corruption, unemployment, nepotism, education, and job opportunities. The frustration with the status quo was the main reason that triggered the September 2025 protests. Nepal's democracy will flourish only when each citizen is held accountable for his/her actions and opinions. Consequently, the government should also be held accountable for its actions and policies in accordance with the constitution. Hence, the government does not need to resort to defaming and criminalizing Gen-Z to justify its unlawful actions. The episode with the former CJ Rana serves as a lesson to the government and the public that a generation should not be accused of being behind a specific action unless there is enough evidence to prove such allegations. It is important to acknowledge that the Gen-Z is neither a political force nor a pressure group. It simply refers to people born between 1997 and 2012 throughout the world. These youngsters belong to diverse social classes and hold divergent political ideologies. Hence the government and other concerned authorities should put an end to generalizing Gen-Z and defaming it for petty momentary political benefits. Joshi is a senior scientist and independent opinion maker based in Germany. pushpa.joshi@gmail.com