Citizens across Europe cast their vote on June 6-9 for one of the most complex and at the same time most exciting democratic exercises in the world, the election of the only existing plurinational parliament. As an European, I must confess that I fervently followed the polls. I strongly believe in the idea that people, no matter their differences, cultural, linguistic and even ideological, can come and work together in a new polity.

Yet while these elections were followed assiduously worldwide by the most important news outlets, the people of Nepal might not feel so vested nor interested to know more about them. That's why I am driven to write this column to try to link up the events back in Europe with those happening in South Asia.

India, the most powerful and predominant player in the region, has renewed a third mandate to Prime Minister Modi. It did not exactly go as Modi had imagined or hoped, and overall, the vote in India can be seen as a testimony to the fact that democracy, with its sacred principles and values, still remains strong south of the border.

Will now, a humbler Modi, reset his approach and styles of doing politics at home? If this shift happens, would it also have implications in its Neighbourhood First Policy? Will the third government of Modi show not only more moderation and accommodation domestically but also with the nations of the region?

On the one hand, India could show a different attitude towards a country like Nepal, a willingness to at least face some of the difficult bilateral files (for example trade and borders) that, so far, have been conveniently, swept under the carpet. On the other hand, we could expect much more in terms of foreign policy from a different PM Modi.

Let me clarify what I mean. I have one hope in what could be probably the last term of Modi in power. The Indian Prime Minister could, with some wisdom, vision and farsightedness, make a pivot towards restarting the process of regional cooperation through the SAARC. Such an effort could become a legacy for Modi who would be remembered not only for his somehow controversial domestic policies but also as the father of a new phase of regional integration.

In order to do so, the Indian Prime Minister has to move from his current position in relation to Pakistan, something that cannot be easily discounted. After all, over the long electoral campaign, he attacked the opposition on multiple occasions for being too close to Islamabad. But what happens during the electoral rallies should remain there, and Modi could start designing a pragmatic approach on how to reactivate the SAARC.

First, he could sound out, directly or via emissaries, all the political leaders of the region and ask them to come up with some ideas on resuscitating the SAARC. The SAARC Secretariat itself could come up with a series of blueprints or 'white papers' that could provide practical ways to reactivate the whole process of regional cooperation. Online and in person workshops could be organised to engage non-state stakeholders, intellectuals and members of the wider civil society.

Even if these initiatives would be, at the end, of the pure tokenistic nature, at least the Secretariat could display an interest and commitment to bridge the immense gap that exists between SAAR as an institution and the general public. Involving the civil society would give a signal of a new long term re-born interest to re-energise and awaken the SAARC. All these could be made possible if Ambassador Md. Golam Sarwar of Bangladesh, since last October the new Secretary General of the SAARC, takes some initiative.

Modi's blessing, and potentially India's financial support to undertake this engagement exercise, would exponentially help revitalise, in the short term, this community of nations.

While we do hope that Modi will seize the opportunity to be remembered as a key contributor to regional cooperation and integration, other member nations of SAARC also have a responsibility to act. Quite oddly, Nepal is still officially the Chair of the group.

Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal could also spend some energy to both nudge PM Modi to action while also, at the same time, convince the remaining heads of governments of the SAARC to support what could be envisioned as a real reset of the SAARC.

Symbolically speaking, Nepal in concert with the SAARC Secretariat, could even launch a regional essay competition for all students of the region. 'The Re-imagining ASEAN Essay Competition' could involve potentially hundreds of thousands of students across South Asia.

If you think about it, the process of regional cooperation and integration is one of the biggest missed opportunities in the modern history of the whole Asia Pacific. Modi, with the support of Dahal, could plan a SAARC Leaders' Summit, but I am afraid that this overwhelming task might take energies away from more doable and actionable initiatives. Perhaps, more realistic would be to hold a meeting of the foreign ministers of the region in Pokhara or Kathmandu. Such a gathering would endorse an action plan envisioning a series of activities focused on relaunching the SAARC process. A lot will depend on Modi.

Meanwhile, I do hope that Former Foreign Secretary and Chairperson of the National Security Advisory Board Shyam Saran is correct in his analysis for the Hindu newspaper. 'What I would hope to see is re-engagement with Pakistan and an effort to seek a new equilibrium with China. The neighbourhood has suffered relative neglect with the pursuit of a high global profile. I would hope there is a re-focus on the neighbourhood which remains the most critical factor for Indian interests.'

While we wait for India's moves, the future of the region is too important. Will other leaders of the region also bother to take some actions? And maybe one day, newspapers will also cover the elections of the first ever South Asian Parliament that could be well located in a place called Kathmandu.