We decided to pave the way for the government: KC
KATHMANDU, APRIL 30
The vice chancellor and all three of Tribhuvan University's office holders have resigned in tandem.
Prof. Dr Deepak Aryal, the vice chancellor of Tribhuvan University; Prof Dr Khadga KC, the rector, and Prof Dr Kedar Prasad Rijal, the registrar, all resigned on Thursday. In an interview with THT, Rector KC confirmed that all three had resigned.
He stated that he resigned as requested by the government. "It's not exactly a group. We, the three Tribhuvan University office bearers, have decided to resign," he told the THT. "We thought of supporting the government as they plan to bring new provisions through an ordinance. We decided to pave the way for the government."
They claim they resigned to make it easier for the new government to operate. The government plans to remove previous political appointments.
Aryal was appointed as vice chancellor on July 9, 2025. He was appointed vice chancellor by then-Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli. Oli appointed Aryal as vice chancellor following the resignation of the previous chancellor, Prof. Dr Keshar Jung Baral.
Similarly, Prof. Dr KC, the Rector, and Prof Dr Rijal, the Registrar, were appointed on April 12, 2024. They were appointed by the then-Prime Minister and TU Chancellor, Pushpa Kamal Dahal, on the recommendation of the then-Vice-Chancellor, Prof Dr Baral.
The term of TU office bearers is four years. They resigned before the end of their term. Excerpts from the interview with Prof Khadga K.C., PhD.
THT: Do you feel there is a different sort of fear that the government is creating with ordinance?
KC: No, I never felt that kind of pressure from the government. We just wanted to maintain that kind of ethical value because we were educated in different parts of the world where people are ethical, and the government has frequently discussed the dismissal of political appointments.
Meanwhile, they have already proposed an ordinance relating to university authorities. And we discovered that some of the provisions call for the removal of university authorities in between. So that would be an indication, or alternatively, that we will be affected and disaffected, for people like us. We decided not to wait until the ordinance was promulgated. So we decided to allow the government to make their own decision while also making it a positive step forward in our domain. It was a voluntary decision made in accordance with our conscience and ethical values.
THT: Do you think this is a good move by the government to take such actions?
KC: In fact, in our part of the world, and particularly in our context, political parties used to interfere and recruit/appoint based on party-censored criteria. However, this time, I was not handpicked or appointed based on any political party or sister organisation recommendation. We were appointed based on rational and merit-based criteria. We have been doing everything we can to bring about institutional transformation.
The government changed unexpectedly, and government officials occasionally raise those voices and then generalise us on that basis, as if we were also appointed by a prime minister under the University Act. In Nepal, some may argue that we lack the courage to fight in court. However, for my part, I simply wanted to demonstrate my credentials as an ethical leader and uphold ethical values. Though the impact of such time-consuming decisions introduced and implemented by the government will primarily be their responsibility, they may have plans to introduce new, visionary leadership. I do not want to comment on the government's plan. But, at the very least, we have done everything we can to help transform the university. I am happy to step down, and, in the meantime, I do not want to blame anyone else. And I am happy with what I did so far.
THT: Since you have spent some good time at TU and have seen several aspects of the academic background, what do you think are the major concerns/issues inside universities of Nepal, including TU, and what could be the solutions?
KC: I think politics and politicisation are the most contentious and strenuous challenges for the university so far. Since TU serves between 78 and 80 percent of the nation's higher education students, it also has a greater responsibility. However, political ideology, groups, clans, or factions play a major role in decision-making processes at some other universities, including private universities in this nation, in addition to TU. That is the larger challenge. The government's higher education policy comes next. Higher education, particularly university infrastructure and research funding, has never been given priority by the government since 1990, even after democracy was restored.
According to my understanding, no government has yet initiated or attempted to allocate research funds. Unless and until the government distributes taxpayer funds for research, no university will be able to update curricula and provide research funds to students and faculty. Without state-funded research funds, academic knowledge production is always jeopardised. Without producing knowledge, a university as a teaching institution makes no sense when compared to other universities around the world; even our neighbours India and China have spent billions on R&D. We don't have much priority. So, the major challenges to higher education in Nepal are a lack of research funds, a poor political environment, a lack of state priority for university infrastructure, and trade unionism among students, teachers, and staff.
THT: Do you think these students' unions in the university contribute to the obstruction of progress and educational prosperity inside the university?
KC: I believe this is contextual. When developing countries such as Latin America, Africa, and Asia were under colonial regimes and rule, they used students to oppose colonialism and establish independence. Additionally, students were employed to bring about democracy in those developing nations, as well as in Japan and Europe, where there was totalitarian autocracy. However, in our case, during the Rana regime, the country's democracy was established by elite students at Indian universities who raised flags against the regime. Student unions were targeted for the establishment of democracy and against the Panchayat following the Ranas.
However, I don't think there will be any more student movements in support of political parties and ideologies now that democracy, republicanism, and all political democratic institutions are in place. This has already been dismantled in many regions of the world, including Europe, North America, Japan, India, and numerous developing nations in Southeast Asia. Since they are primarily concerned with improving academic performance, their respective universities and nations do not have student unions. However, everyone in our nation is involved in politics. Work ethics and working culture have declined as a result of students, teachers, and staff not doing their own work and primarily engaging in politics to gain numerous official seats in their respective positions. This has generally lowered or devalued the academic quality of the nation and the university.
THT: What should the process of appointment of a new VC in the university be now?
KC: We have the University Act 2049 BS (1992). In accordance with the University Act, the government may establish a committee headed by the minister of education, hold a public call, and establish criteria for the appointment of a vice-chancellor. I hope the government will accept our resignation as soon as possible and appoint new university leadership as soon as possible so that the university does not find itself in a decision-making deadlock.
