Budget transparency and accountability are yet of another concern of the voters. The Election Commission has provisioned that the candidates can spend only Rs 2.5 million to Rs 3.3 million, depending on the categorisation of the constituencies.

KATHMANDU, NOVEMBER 13

Same old faces. What will the future of our country be? A man, holding a cup of tea in one hand and a newspaper in the other, was mumbling in innocence but looked concerned. Divided comments about the election candidacy and results can be heard at every corner of the street, in the tea stalls, restaurants and gatherings.

Is it an ongoing lack of faith in the political parties, leaders, and the democratic system that is driving the No, Not Again campaign? It is brutally all over the social media and radiating even more broadly. Levitsky and Ziblatt, in 'How democracies die', write democratic backsliding begins at the ballot box. It fits true to contemporary Nepali politics. Yet, November 20 is the day that will decide the fate and future of Nepal for another five years.

The local election in 2022 and the victory of independent candidates in the major cities, including Kathmandu, is a reflection of public agony towards the unethical conduct of politicians and leaders. Charismatic Balendra Shah, Harka Sampang and Gopal Hamal were successful in establishing the legacy of independent energetic candidacy. It demonstrated that people want to see change and curb the unethical political behaviour of people's representatives that are driven by self-interest and party interest. Does it mean that collusion and corruption have passed the saturation point? Is it an indication of a landslide in public faith and trust towards the political parties?

Major political party leaders have registered their nomination - a few have become the Prime Minister more than three times and are in their seventies (not fit for government service in the bureaucracy and security forces). Rebellion and independents have made news for the last month since coalitions were formed among the political parties. Compared to the previous parliamentary election, the number of young candidates has decreased by 4 per cent this time.

It is astonishing that a 99-year-old Tika Datta Bhatta registered for the general elections from Gorkha-2. An interview has gone viral on YouTube about a prominent Nepali Congress politician, Badri Karki, who has said he will not vote for a coalition candidate even if he is from the Nepali Congress.

Autocracy under the skin of democracy remains in the political party organisations. Why is there a coalition between ideologically opposite political parties? This is a major concern that has exacerbated the confusion of the voters who are in a dilemma while having to make choices among no choices and are willing to risk yet another deep recession of faith in the political parties.

Distributions of dreams in packages has become the theme of the manifestos. Developed and prosperous Nepal, creation of job opportunities for millions, regaining the territory of Limpiyadhura and Lipulekh, dissolution of provincial states, and re-establishing the Hindu state are included in the manifestos of the leading political parties and parties in the coalition.

A scrutiny reveals the absence of concrete economic agenda in the manifestos. An agenda with a plan of action will have more convincing power in securing support for the candidates. Debate among the candidates is a pragmatic option that is practised in large democratic countries like the US and India.

Budget transparency and accountability are yet of another concern of the voters. The Election Commission has provisioned that the candidates can spend only Rs 2.5 million to Rs 3.3 million, depending on the categorisation of the constituencies.

For the provincial constituency, the ceiling has been set at between Rs 1.5 million and Rs 2.3 million. Political analysts and observers suggest that the expenditure for a high-profile candidate is expected to reach as high as Rs 100 million for a parliamentary election.

Additionally, within 30 days of the publication of the final results of the election, the parties and candidates are bound by law to submit their expenditure details. And, it is no bitter truth that for the last 32 years of democratic exercise in Nepal, price hikes and policy transformation on public commodities and services before and after the election is unpredictable, revealing the dark secrets of the financial source for an election campaign.

An election in Asia unlike Europe and the US relies on the play of money that significantly influences the voting behaviour of the public – at least in the rural areas. As Buckley, Wang and Dong in The New York Times write, even President Xi of China is seen mobilising its officials to give out gifts of rice and cooking oil to portray him as the great leader of China. It is a general phenomenon in Nepali politics and elections.

Since 2017, Nepali leaders have made sensitive decisions that have significant bearing on the security and development dynamics of Nepal, with MCC and BRI being significant. The future is always uncertain unless one can see beyond the future. As the countdown begins for Election Day, these critical issues cease to exist.

What if new faces appear? Will they be able to present themselves as charismatic leaders? What if the same old faces dominate politics? Will the future of Nepal be in safe hands? Top political party leaders have succumbed to the temptation of remaining in absolute power as it provides the incumbent leaders uncompromised institutional and organisational power.

Certainly, the success of the likes of Balen and Sampang has given new hopes for transformation in Nepali politics. It is also true that the bureaucracy, security organisations and political institutions are severely contaminated, the cure of which is necessary more than ever. Who would want Nepal to bear the fate of Sri Lanka? The fate remains in the hands of each Nepali voter who must elect a leader who will shape the future of Nepal.

Budget transparency and accountability are other concerns of the voters. The Election Commission has provisioned that the candidates can spend only Rs 2.5 million to Rs 3.3 million, depending on the categorisation of the constituencies. But political analysts suggest that the expenditure for a high-profile candidate could reach as high as Rs 100 million

A version of this article appears in the print on November 14, 2022 of The Himalayan Times.