The day after tomorrow, the Nepalis vote to elect their representatives to draft the country’s

first truly people’s constitution. In order to win the votes, the political parties have brought out their election manifestos, stating what they stand for,

and if elected, what they will fight for in the Constituent Assembly. Admittedly, not every voter will read the manifestos of the political parties before making up their mind as to who, and which party, to vote for. The large majority will, therefore, not cast their ballots based on a comparison of manifestos, but guided by their general impression of the political parties, or of the candidates, in the First-Past-the-Post round. But in many cases, one or several other factors may come to play a decisive role in their choice. However, the candidates or parties that are elected are assumed as having been elected for the commitments they made in their manifestos. Therefore, it becomes their supreme duty to stick to their pledges to the people, especially on the fundamental questions facing the nation.

This question assumes a far greater importance for the election to the Constituent Assembly, as this election is quite different from the regular general election, in its frequency, as well as in its purpose. As it is impossible for all the voters to sit together and discuss and make the constitution directly, they choose their representatives to act on their behalf and work for the agendas they approve, as reflected in the manifestos of the candidates or the parties they voted for. It is hoped that the candidates and the parties will not change course after getting their votes. But there is no official guarantee of an effective check on the possibility of any U-turn. If the past is any guide, reversals of policy after the election — neglect of the wishes of the electorate — are the rule rather than the exceptions. However, on broad matters such as republicanism v monarchy and unitary structure v federalism, the checks exist in other ways that may tie the political parties down to their promises.

On a number of vital issues before the nation, the SPA constituents, which led Jana Andolan II two years ago, have made their joint commitments, also reflected in the Interim Constitution. Secondly, the public mood has clearly shifted in favour of fundamental change and state restructuring, as Jana Andolan II and subsequent developments, have borne out. This is why even those parties that did not stand for significant change in the way the things were have now decided to swim with the tide, making their manifestos as close as possible to those of the seven parties in broad fundamental issues. To reflect the people’s wishes, the political parties are supposed to vote in the CA on basic issues along the lines they had got their votes for. Accordingly, a party that has sought votes for monarchy, for instance, must not vote for republicanism, and vice versa. Otherwise, the CA cannot truly be representative of the people, and the final product it delivers has the potential of distorting the people’s mandate.