The present moment demands that individuals should rise against the illicit practices of the political parties and their leaders. It is crucial for the people to transcend their roles as mere supporters and baggage carriers of leaders shortcomings
In his novel Hard Times published in 1854, renowned English novelist and social critic Charles Dickens paints a vivid portrayal of a fictional Victorian industrial metropolis called Coketown. In the novel, Coketown is described as a town with weak governance, and a segment of its elite society is depicted as morally and financially corrupt. Dickens introduces the term 'soft state' to describe the governance paradigm of Coketown that is characterised by a lack of capability and willingness to exercise authority, enforce laws and effectively deliver crucial services to its citizens.
Unrelated to this context, in 1968, Swedish Nobel laureate economist Gunnar Myrdal introduced the term 'soft state' in his book Asian Drama. In this work, Myrdal refers to the prevailing societal and political indiscipline in the developing world, particularly in South Asia, as an indicative of a 'soft state' phenomenon.
The metaphor of soft state as illustrated in these examples is a fitting depiction of the political and societal status quo of Nepal that is severely marred by political instability, skyrocketing corruption, ineffectual public service provision and a culture of legal immunity. The harrowing narratives detailing the inefficiency of investigative bodies and the judiciary in exposing the highest echelons of illicit practices within the system only add to the distressing tableau.
The recent revelations of state-sponsored corruption, such as the fake Bhutanese refugee scam, the illicit Lalita Niwas land acquisition and the massive 100 kg gold smuggling case, starkly demonstrate the government's handling of corruption issues with a glaring bias. Notably, close family members of high-ranking politicians and members of the ruling Maoist party, who stand accused of wrongdoing in these instances, are conspicuously omitted from the investigative process.
The call records detailing conversations involving the accused individuals serve as compelling evidence for launching comprehensive investigations into their alleged misconduct. Regrettably, even the internationally acclaimed Nepal Police force appears to have succumbed to the deceptive influence of powerbrokers. Paradoxically, those tarnished by severe corruption allegations are absurdly assuming the role of anti-corruption advocates, further eroding public trust.
The people are keenly observing the overt actions of the Central Investigation Bureau (CIB) of Nepal police as it is investigating the cases involving alleged high-ranking culprits. Notably, even with the significant pronouncement from the Supreme Court permitting the investigation on the involvement of former Prime Ministers (PM) Madhav Kumar Nepal and Baburam Bhattarai in the Lalita Niwas affair, the CIB has inexplicably exonerated these former PMs without undertaking any investigative measures.
Likewise, the CIB has chosen to turn a blind eye to the suspected implication of prominent figures within the Maoist party's upper echelons, namely Krishna Bahadur Mahara, Barshaman Pun, Nanda Kishor Pun and their respective family members, in the gold smuggling case.
To add on, Members of Parliament from the Nepali Congress, Arzu Rana Deuba and Manju Khand, have been omitted from the roster of suspected conspirators in the fake Bhutanese refugee scam.
Cases involving the misuse of citizenship and passport by former Home Minister Rabi Lamichhane have been dismissed. Furthermore, a series of corruption scandals involving leaders from the main opposition party, CPN (UML), have been kept on hold. In fact, it appears that the leaders share a tacit understanding to mutually disregard each other's corrupt activities and extrajudicial misconducts. Sadly, the reputed CIB and other constitutionally established commissions tasked with combating corruption have stood by as mere spectators in the face of these illicit activities perpetrated by the leaders.
Beyond these instances of corruption, the nation is grappling with the scourge of lumpy skin disease, conjunctivitis outbreak and natural calamities in the midst of the monsoon season. Despite mutually working on to seek solutions for these health and environmental challenges, the lawmakers are regrettably engaged in a disheartening blame game. The main opposition has disrupted the parliamentary proceedings for multiple months, and the ruling coalition appears disinterested in resolving the ensuing legislative impasse. All these occurrences serve as indicators of a soft state syndrome that is gradually pushing Nepal towards the precipice of a failed state.
The present moment demands that individuals should rise against the illicit practices of the political parties and their leaders. It is crucial for the people to transcend their roles as mere supporters and baggage carriers of leaders and embrace their civic responsibilities instead. The security forces must resolutely wield their constitutional authority to combat corruption and rectify governance shortcomings. Only then, the soft state syndrome, as indicated in Dickens' Hard Times and Myrdal's Asian Drama can be alleviated and Nepal's inevitable journey towards a failed state can be averted.
To sum up, despite the prevailing political shortcomings, surmounting Nepal's soft state syndrome remains a viable goal, albeit not devoid of obstacles. By tackling governance concerns, eradicating corruption and enhancing service delivery, Nepal has the capacity to reshape its image from that of a soft state to a symbol of resilience, advancement and efficient governance. Undoubtedly, the endeavour is formidable, yet the potential for constructive transformation, fueled by the vigour and resolve of both the people and the security forces, is immense.
Dr Joshi is senior scientist and independent opinion maker based in Germanypushpa.joshi@gmail.com
A version of this article appears in the print on August 21, 2023, of The Himalayan Times.
