TOPICS : The ball is in the King’s court
Jiba Raj Pokharel
The royal takeover of February 1 was the biggest political blunder in recent times in Nepal. This has been proved by the expression of Donald Camp, the US deputy assistant secretary of state for South Asia, who termed the move as a wrong one. Diplomacy is about saying the worst of the things in the best of the language. It is very unfortunate that the move has tarnished the image of the King almost beyond repair. For this the advisors are to be blamed fully even if the discredit falls on the King eventually. This is very unpleasant for the majority of the Nepali people who still respect constitutional monarchy. A resolution of the present problem engulfing the nation is not far to seek if there is sincerity on the part of the political trinity, namely the Monarch in particular,the political parties and the Maoists in general. Firstly, the present three-sided political equation has to be reduced to a two-sided one between the constitutional forces and the Maoists. For this, there has to be an understanding between the Monarch and the political parties. This fact has been emphasised by the US, the UK and India. There is no proximity between the Monarch and the Maoists or between the political parties and the Maoists. Because of their constitutional characteristic, there is proximity between the monarchy and the political parties.
History reveals that there was unity between the monarchy and the political parties during one and half years of the Nepali Congress government in the late fifties as well as for more than a decade following the restoration of multi-party polity in 1990. In both the cases, there was the presence of the parliament. It thus follows, not from one but from two instances, that the parliament is the bond of unity between the Monarch and the political parties. So, the parliament should be revived, and the Supreme Court can do this by reconsidering a review petition pending in the court. After the restoration, an all party government, including the Maoists, if possible, should be formed, making a constitutional amendment for conducting a referendum. The referendum should be conducted on whether there should be constituent assembly or constitutional amendments.
It can thus be seen that the resolution of the present problem lies in four other things, restoration of the parliament, reconstitution of an all party government including the Maoists, holding of the referendum on whether the new constitution should be drafted by the constituent assembly or the amendment proposals of the parties, and redrafting of the constitution. But for this, all sides should show sincerity. So far, the political parties have shown their sincerity by adhering to the Constitution. But the Maoists and the Monarch have been far short of doing it. It is a far-fetched proposition to expect it from the Maoists because of their rebellious character, but it is surprising that the King has shown little respect for the Constitution. In fact, it should be the King to lead the others by example in such circumstances.