KATHMANDU, FEBRUARY 5
The seven-party coalition led by the Maoist Centre (MC) has landed in an uneasy political soup.
Whilst the partners of the coalition – the Unified Marxist-Leninist(UML) as well as the Janata Samajbadi Party (JSP) – believe in federalism, the Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP) and Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) have been viewing it through a different lens. If the RPP intends to scrap it altogether, the RSP has opined to make it more efficient and workable. Further, the RPP seeks to restore the Constitutional Monarchy and the Hindu nation at a time when the remaining partners believe in Republicanism and secularism.
Accordingly, the ministers of these respective parties, the RPP in particular, are airing their views in public which is contrary to the spirit of the constitution that virtually walks on two legs of republicanism and secularism.
This is, however, not a new story. The communist parties always played a dual role right from the restoration of multiparty system in 1990 through a People's Movement initiated by the Nepali Congress (NC)and the Left Front. When the constitution was made public, the UML accorded what it called critical support.
They said that their participation was a means to attain the ultimate end of New People's democracy.
Later when the UML and MC formed a coalition in the aftermath of the 2017 national election, they were like two strange bedfellows judged from their ideological beliefs. Whilst the UML believed in People's multiparty democracy propounded by its ideologue Madan Bhandari, the MC was for what it called People's democracy. This also was one of the reasons that developed cracks in the UML-MC interface.
The earlier five-party coalition led by the NC also had a similar political ambivalence.
One of its politically minnow partners, the Rastriya Jana Morcha, also loathed federalism.
Yet another partner, the Janata Samajbadi Party, wanted to rewrite the constitution altogether.
Prime Minister Prachanda has reminded that he would take punitive action in case the constitution is violated in the future against the backdrop of the oath of office administered to the ministers to defendthe constitution in both letter and spirit. These parties, however, maintain that the ministers have a dual role – one as a member of the government and the other as a member of the political party. These parties contend that their ministers can enjoy the freedom of expression for communicating their political ideology as a party volunteer if not as a minister. After allthey have won the election and thus received the mandate based on their election manifesto, which has prominently outlined these political agenda. It set the political tongues wagging when the ministers opined contrary to the spirit of the constitution even in the cabinet.
There is such a thin line of separation that it is difficult to determine when a particular political leader is a minister and when a member of the political party. For this, one has tohave the brilliance of Chanakya, the 4th century BC political ideologue. It is said that his friend once visited the polymath of the first water. Chanakya extinguished the lamp and lit the other lamp. When asked why, Chanakya replied that he was engaged in the affairs of the state and using the state-sponsored lamp. After the entry of the friend, he switchedon to the private lamp. But there are few in the Nepali polity who match the sensitivity of Chanakya.
It is more than clear that the duty of the ministers is to defend the constitution.
The erring ministers should be subject to some action or the other. The problem is that the coalition partners threaten to pull out of the government and spark a crisis in the coalition.
Three partners of the present seven-party coalition have already sent such political signals.
One of them is the RPP.
After its tail up following the declaration of the birthday of Prithvi Narayan Shah as a public holiday, its ministers have openly called for the restoration of the constitutional monarchy and the reinstallation of the Hindu nation.
Further, the RSP had given a two-day ultimatum, and now it has withdrawn from the government, but duly retaining its support, after its president was not restored as the Home Minister by the Prime Minister, who had differed the decision until the reception of the full text of the Supreme Court verdict. The RSP had been encouraged after it received a nod from the widely recognised de facto Prime Minister K P Oli, the Chairman of the constitutionally unfamiliar High Level Machinery.
The Nagarik Unmukti Party has also indicated in this direction after one of its parliamentarians was put behind the bars on the allegation of setting a tractor ablaze. But in such a situation, the Prime Minister should take a risk. The constitution abiding parties, such as the NC, should come to the rescue. After all, it has offered its support to the government despite being in the opposition.
There is a glaring example in India in this regard.
The coalition government led by the Indian Congress signed the Indo-US nuclear treaty. The coalition partner, the Communist Party of India led by Prakash Karat, withdrew its support.
Some members of the Opposition Party, the Bharatiya Janata Party, crossed the floor, and the government led by Man Mohan Singh was given a new lease of life.
Prime Minister Prachanda enjoys a very comfortable position, the kind of which was not available to the prime ministers in the past. He has the support of almost 99 per cent of the parliamentarians. His government will prolong even if some of its partners withdraw the support.
The political parties should ensure that the coalition government of one kind or the other keeps the country afloat till the next election. The country cannot afford yet another election due to its deteriorating economy. The failure to do so may land Nepal in the kind of situation prevailing in Pakistan, which may join Sri Lanka any time because of the rapidly worsening economy.
The parties maintain that the ministers have a dual role - one as a member of the government and the other as a member of the political party.
A version of this article appears in the print on February 7, 2023, of The Himalayan Times.