The NC must hold its special convention and elect new leaders who can match the likes of Balendra Shaha, duly putting the severely beaten and bruised leaders in the back burner for a rest
The Gen Z movement has created the kind of political ripples in Nepal seldom seen before. It was at a time when the government of the Nepali Congress (NC) and the Unified Marxist-Leninist (UML), the first and the second largest parties in the Parliament, had formed an invincible coalition promising political stability and introducing sweeping reforms in the constitution.
People had expected the country to enter a better political phase after the formation of a firm and steady coalition. Some of the facades of the constitution, such as proportional representation as well as federalism, though good in concept, had been disastrous in their implementation. Instead of giving opportunity to experienced academicians and bureaucrats, who could steer the country out of the troubled water with the help of a long-term vision and experience, the queens and concubines of the neo-royal leaders were nominated as parliamentarians.
Federalisation proved so costly that an economically weak country like Nepal could barely afford it. As it was the product of the country's necessity to keep it together, brought about by the blood of several martyrs, federalism was deemed necessary for the country. But it needed to be reconstituted to suit the country's rather fragile economy. However, the coalition forgot the promises made to the people before its formation after thinking that no might in the parliamentary democracy could topple it on account of its near to two-thirds majority.
It is at this juncture that the frustration of the people began surfacing in the streets, which was led by the youth in the form of slogans like 'enough is enough'. It precipitated into the Gen Z movement like the emergence of Krishna in the Mahabharat era who had said, "Whenever there is decline in righteousness and a rise in unrighteousness, I will manifest myself."
In the meantime, the government banned social media platforms, which formed the spine of the people in general and Gen Z in particular. This ban added fuel to the fire of the frustration raging in the country. Within hours, the crowd built to a massive form, demonstrating in front of the Parliament on September 8. The worst followed when the police indiscriminately fired bullets, killing 15 young Gen Z demonstrators on the first day and injuring several others, mounting the toll to 76 over the days. The Home Minister and the Prime Minister resigned in quick succession. The angry crowd mercilessly manhandled the former prime minister, Sher Bahadur Deuba, and his spouse Arzoo Rana, the reigning Foreign Minister.
The country was without a government after the Prime Minister and several towering leaders were taken into security by the army. It provided a window for the infiltrators, disguised as Gen Z protesters, who resorted to looting and arson of the nation's icons, such as the Parliament building, the Supreme Court as well as the historic government secretariat, Singha Durbar. Government as well as private buildings also became the victim in this unfortunate incident throughout the country.
President Ram Chandra Poudel formed an interim government under former Chief Justice Sushila Karki with a mandate to hold the election within six months. A commission headed by former Judge Gaurab Bahadur Karki was set up by the interim government to investigate the culprits who killed innocent civilians and destroyed national property by setting it ablaze.
It is in this context that public opinion rose increasingly in favour of the youth to lead the country as the old leaders, though successful in bringing democracy, failed miserably to bring about economic development in the country. Consequently, 54 per cent of the members of the NC convention, some 2,488 of them, submitted a memorandum with a request for a special convention almost three months back on October 15 to pave the way for a new leadership. But the central work execution committee, led by President Deuba, after hastily announcing the regular convention in early May, dismissed the demand of the special convention citing a split in the party in the wake of the national election underway in March.
The special convention supporters have requested the committee not to violate the constitution. The two charismatic general secretaries of the NC, Gagan Thapa and Biswa Prakash Sharma, have rightly supported the special convention group because of the constitutional compulsion. It has been clearly mentioned in the constitution that a special convention should be held if 40 per cent of the members demand for it.
The present step of the NC as the oldest democratic country in Nepal is contrary to its democratic character. It is obvious that the party will be routed in the elections if it erodes its vote catching forte – democracy and the rule of law – by showing disregard to its own constitution and devaluing its democratic identity. This is especially so when the popularity of Rastriya Swatantra Party has been growing from strength to strength after including leaders like Kul Man Ghising and Balendra Shah, the latter as the future Prime Minister. Ghising has the reputation of ending the disastrous load shedding in the country. Shah has been the heart throb of the youth and has demonstrated his ability by bringing sweeping changes in Kathmandu Metropolitan City as its mayor.
The NC must hold its special convention and elect new leaders who can match the likes of Balendra Shaha, duly putting the severely beaten and bruised leaders in the back burner for a rest. The UML and other parties also should project new leaders in the election if the objective is to give a semblance of opposition to the RSP, which even otherwise appears to be heading towards a landslide victory as did the NC in 1959 and 1990 national elections, and the Maoists in the 2008 Constituent Assembly election.