Nepali men’s attitude

Durga Pokhrel

On December 26, 2003, the chairperson of our National Human Rights Commission, Nayan Bahadur Khatri, while speaking to the Nepal NGO Federation’s annual women’s gathering from 75 districts, reminded himself that in 1963 there were no women who could go overseas to represent Nepal, therefore he had to represent Nepali women at an international women’s meeting. Now, he said, the situation has improved.

But his remark was not convincing. Even forty years ago, there were women who could have gone, but then, unlike now, it was the mentality of Nepali men that discriminated against women. Even in 1963, at least ten women capable of representing Nepal can be named. One of them, Sahana Pradhan, well regarded even back then, was sitting next to Khatri as he spoke last week. Let’s ask whether even now, forty years later, Nepali men’s attitudes towards women have changed? Not really.

Again, it seems six men are ready to go to New York to represent us at the UN’s January 2004 meeting of CEDAW, the Convention for the Elimination of All forms of Discrimination Against Women with our single woman minister, Renu Yadav. The same happened at the 1998 CEDAW meeting. That time, the male Nepali team leader, Tirtha Man Shakya, admits feeling humiliated when asked by the predominantly women’s gathering “How come you are representing women from Nepal?” CEDAW was passed by the UN General Assembly in December 18, 1979. Nepal signed the convention without reservation on April 22, 1991. Before 1990, Nepali men would certainly go to all these international events. Tragically, the discriminatory feudal social system has remained shamelessly unaltered since 1990.

As if there are no capable women working for the government on women’s rights issues now! The Planning Commission, Human Rights Commission, and Dalit Commission all have one woman each, and the National Women’s Commission has been created precisely to intervene in the legal

and policy system at all levels to promote women’s fundamental rights and well-being. So why are these proper representatives ignored while making a team? Apparently, the answer is that our feudal and patronising status quo is alive and well now as forty years ago. Only men can think for women here. Perhaps, to our male leaders and high officials the creation of a Women’s Commission, and inclusion of women in other high-level commissions, is just eyewash.

Our leaders have always excelled at that. Now our male friends should feel even more ashamed to represent women. Can we not allow women to articulate their own issues? Or is this another typical pattern of conspiracy here, whereby those discriminated against are not included precisely so that the small group that has always benefited from controlling this country can continue to do so for as long as possible?

It is a women’s world gathering that qualified and committed Nepali women have the right and duty to attend CEDAW in order to work seriously for change and reform affecting women in this country. Prevailing male attitudes in Nepal will never allow women to prosper independently. And here comes a secondary question: Even if our own, less enlightened male government leaders propose their own kind to represent Nepal’s women internationally, I would have expected the UN to object and request them to constitute at least a gender-balanced team, even if not a women’s team. If donors themselves continue to sponsor inappropriate people, then they are equally culpable in maintaining Nepal’s status quo. In that case, they cannot be regarded as partners or supporters of women’s advancement, no matter how much they make us buy their new concepts such as “gender mainstreaming” and “social inclusion.”

With this attitude and behaviour, women in Nepal will continue to lag behind men in all respects. On the contrary, the UN in Kathmandu, and other development assistance agencies, must be alert to check whether our government leaders are making appropriate decisions for the women’s agenda. The UN is said to be financing the male-dominated Nepali team for CEDAW. If this is true, then it is most unjust to the women of Nepal, and it will be proper to protest against their support.

The most appropriate composition of the seven-member government team for the January 2004 CEDAW meeting would include: the woman minister, NPC woman member, Human Rights Commission woman member, Dalit Commission member secretary (a woman), chief of the Nepal Police Women’s Cell (a woman), and chair of the National Women’s Commission. A seventh member, if necessary, could perhaps be a male who works professionally and exclusively on the women’s policy, legal, or programming agenda, and complements the other team members in knowledge and experience of the issues. Meanwhile, a team of NGO women is leaving to present the shadow report. This is good, but not equivalent to government representation.

Everybody goes on yapping about social inclusion and eliminating all forms of discrimination against women. But only aggressive affirmative action policies are capable of overcoming entrenched and pervasive discrimination and social exclusion in Nepal. There has to be a social transformation. Affirmative action has to start somewhere, and it has to start now before our country is completely swallowed by a political revolution. The donors are now busy with “conflict mitigation,” but it amounts to Band Aid treatment. The social wounds go much deeper, and are rooted in chronic feudalism. If donors continue to yap about inclusion, but go on contributing to the discrimination, they are maintaining the status quo. Including Nepali women at the CEDAW meeting is a women’s rights issue.

Dr Pokhrel is chairperson,

National Women’s Commission