KATHMANDU: We know from world’s experience that no conflict can be resolved without sharing power among the conflicting parties,” said Unified CPN-Maoist Vice Chairman Dr Baburam Bhattarai, emerging from three-party talks, on January 1. He added that power-sharing does not necessarily mean being in the government. “But, we should get an honourable position, as it is not a normal situation, but a transitional phase,” Dr Bhattarai added.

During the three-party dinner meeting held at Yak and

Yeti Hotel, the UCPN-M proposed its power-sharing model that does not require the party to join the government. Second-rung leaders of the three parties were present in the meeting, held after a long hiatus.

It is well known that the issue of power-sharing has pushed

the country into an eight-month impasse. It is still uncertain

when the impasse will end. Politicians, analysts and people

from all walks of life, who are aware of national polity, strongly believe that the main cause of the current political deadlock is the parties’ inability to share power. All disputes will be resolved once the power-sharing issue is resolved, they say.

Admitting that power-sharing adjustment is inevitable, the three major parties have begun discussions to arrive at some common ground. The NC and the UML have also taken the Maoists’ novel power-sharing model positively. “As several commissions related to the peace process are yet to be formed, the power-sharing could be achieved from the composition of the panels,” said Nepali Congress Vice-President Ram Chandra Paudel, immediately after the dinner-meeting. He termed the UCPN-M’s proposal a move in the positive direction.

Eight-month power struggle

Eight months ago, on May, 4, the Unified CPN-Maoist opted for giving up power voluntarily. The party took the decision and it seemed reasonable and strategically favourable for the party. Maoist party leadership presumed three gains from the decision. First, it will give a message that the UCPN-M does not have lust for power. Second, it would create a favourable situation to regain power as it would help get back other parties’ confidence. Third, the party will not have to face vote of no-confidence at a time when almost all coalition partners, including CPN-UML, had withdrawn their support to the Maoist-led government. The UCPN-M did make active efforts to regain power after Prachanda resigned as prime minister. Even after resigning, Prachanda met UML boss Jhalanath Khanal and some other NC leaders and claimed the Maoists’ leadership in the government. The party even proposed favourable persons from the NC and UML to lead the government. But anti-Maoist feelings grew and the things did not turn out as the Maoists had presumed. Consequently the present coalition, led by UML leader Madhav Kumar Nepal, was born.

The coalition gained support from national and international forces, which were suspicious of the Maoists’ strategies and activities. The UCPN-M’s bid to divide the coalition and form its own was foiled time and again. Although, it has concluded the third round of protests and has announced the fourth one, there is no sign that the present coalition will collapse. As the UCPN-M is an integral part of the peace process and even the largest political force, its continued agitation hinder the peace and the constitution-writing processes. The UCPN-M should act responsibly pr else all political achievements after the Janaandolan II may come to nought and lead the country to autocracy. There are indications that UCPN-M has realised this fact of late.

Latest development

The January 1 meeting identified six prominent agendas: Building confidence; reviewing the status of implementation of all agreements since 12-point pact in 2005; management of combatants and weapons; constitution writing; power sharing; and addressing the Maoists’ demand of correcting President’s move in the army chief row. However, the parties are yet to prioritise the agendas.

The NC and UML want to give top priority to constitution-drafting and integrating Maoist combatants, stating that the processes have already been delayed. No prizes for guessing what the Maoists top priority to: address the President’s move before touching other agendas.

“The agendas will be prioritised at top-leadership level within a couple of days. That will form the basis for further talks,” said NC general secretary Bimalendra Nidhi.

Alternative ways for power sharing

Although, the Maoists’ novel power-sharing plan has raised the hope of ending the impasse, there are some crucial questions, which should be answered well before any power-sharing deal is clinched. The commissions — disappearance, truth and reconciliation, and national peace and rehabilitation — related to the peace process are yet to be set up. Two key commissions — disappearance and truth and reconciliation — are directly related to post war and transitional justice.

The main aim of both the commissions is giving justice to the conflict victims.

Can a political appointee provide justice without bias? Is such an appointment good from human rights and justice point of view? Will the victims and international community accept the justice dispensed by political appointees? If political appointment does not augur well from any of these angles, how can it be a matter of power sharing?

However, there are other government bodies where the UCPN-M can be inducted without being at the helm: local bodies - municipalities, village development committees and district development committees; permanent commissions of the government; commissions on land reforms and state restructuring; political appointments in government institutions; and ambassadorial positions. Giving them respectable posts in accordance with the Maoists’ strength in the Constituent Assembly can be another form of power-sharing without a change of guard.