The NC should support the RSP for its good moves and perform at par or even better in the local and provincial government, where it is in charge with the newly acquired party unity
The Supreme Court's verdict declaring legitimacy to Gagan Thapa-led Nepali Congress (NC-G) has brought immense cheers in the democratic political avenue of Nepal. After all, the NC is the oldest democratic party of Nepal which has made immemorable contribution to Nepali politics. It launched a Nepali People's revolution bringing the 104-old tyrannical Rana regime to an end. The multi-party polity was restored after a ban imposed on it for three decades in 1990 following the NC-led People's Movement. It had formed a coalition with the Left Front that consisted of splinter communist parties, including the erstwhile Unified Marxist-Leninist (UML). When the country was heading towards a disaster with the People's War mounted by the Maoists that claimed more than 17,000 lives, it acted as a saviour by signing a peace accord with the rebelling Maoists. It gave the country a Constituent Assembly-drafted constitution, heralding federalism and republicanism in the country.
Despite such a glorious past, the present NC has been riddled with several controversies. Many of its leaders have been found guilty in corruption cases. The currency notes that were found in the house of NC's reigning President Sher Bahadur Deuba during the vandalism that took place during the Gen Z movement in September have further eroded its image. During the Gen Z movement, almost all of its leaders kept mum, indirectly supporting the massacre of Gen Zees with the solitary exception of Gagan Thapa. Thapa publicly admitted the mistakes made by his party in the past, duly realising the need for reform with the changing times.
Gen Z objectives were simple and straightforward – reducing corruption in the country and changing the archaic leadership of the parties on account of their outdated thinking in all respects. Its impact was so overwhelming that the coalition government of the NC and the UML, which enjoyed a near two-thirds majority, tumbled with Prime Minister K P Oli of the UML resigning immediately. It paved the way for the appointment of Sushila Karki, a former Supreme Court Chief Justice with the mandate of holding the election within six months by President Ram Chandra Paudel.
It is in this context that 40 per cent of the NC General Convention members applied for holding a Special Convention to elect a new leadership as the old leadership had become an eyesore. Deuba turned a deaf year to it despite the provision in Para 17.2 of the NC's constitution allowing for such a convention. The Gagan group successfully organised it with the participation of 54 per cent of the members to form a new central committee with Thapa as its chairman. The Deuba group filed a petition in the Election Commission challenging the legitimacy of the Special Convention, in which the Commission declared the Special Convention legal and authoritative. Another petition was filed in the Supreme Court, seeking rejection of the Commission's verdict. The Court deferred the hearing until a suitable time after the holding of the election on March 5.
Several Deuba members participated in the general election after receiving nominations from Thapa. The Rastriya Swatantra Party under the leadership of Balen Shah, the former mayor of Kathmandu Metropolitan City, swept the polls, receiving close to a two-thirds majority, or 182 seats in the 275-member House. All the other parties – the NC, the UML, the Nepali Communist Party consisting of erstwhile Maoist Centre and other veteran politicians like former prime ministers Prachanda, Jhala Nath Khanal, and Madhav Nepal – were reduced to the size of Lilliputians. The NC ended up being a distant second with 38 seats, the UML with 25, the NCP 15, and the RPP with just 5 seats. With the solitary exception of Prachanda, all the party presidents, secretaries, and other office bearers lost their seat in the election, including Gagan Thapa.
Thapa, however, set an example by resigning on moral grounds even though it was seen as being orchestrated after the Central Committee rejected his resignation. In stark contrast, Oli, Prachanda, and Rajendra Lingden of the RPP have not bothered to take the responsibility of the heavy defeat in the election. The Deuba group held Thapa accountable for the dismal defeat, little realising that it would have got far less seats had it participated in the poll with the heavily tainted Deuba as the leader. The Deuba group even held its meeting shamelessly using the official letter pad of the NC, almost compelling Thapa to take action against this indiscipline.
The Supreme Court in its verdict has cited several reasons for awarding authenticity to the NC-G. Firstly, the Special Convention was constitutional. Secondly, the Deuba group had shown disregard to the constitutional requirement. Thirdly, the Deuba group members had fought the election based on the nomination by Thapa. Fourthly, the Election Commission had declared the Special Convention legal.
Almost all the Deuba members have accepted the Supreme Court verdict. They have rightly requested Gagan to consolidate the party forgetting whatever happened in the past. In this context, the Deuba group should be incorporated into the present party structure as was done during the merger of the Democratic Congress with the parent Nepali Congress in September 2007. Secondly, the NC should support the RSP for its good moves and perform at par or even better in the local and provincial government, where it is in charge with the newly acquired party unity.
The NC should focus on good governance in the first place to address the sentiment of the Gen Z movement. It should be complemented by speedy delivery. For this, classical techniques marked by delay and inefficiency should be abandoned forever, opening windows for smart technology. This way, people will again vote it back to power, catapulting it to the front row of Nepali politics.