Despite setting such a new precedent, the Sher Bahadur Deuba faction is hilariously blaming Thapa, claiming that the NC would have fared better had it contested the election under Deuba
The definition of morality may be like the famous parable of the blind men and the elephant where they argue saying that it is like a giant snake after touching its trunk. But still it can be understood as the meeting of certain expectations widely understood as necessary in a society. The failure to do so demands changes. For example, political parties, especially the established ones, have to perform more or less as expected, but a dismal performance may pose several questions, especially to its leadership.
It is generally believed that a political leader should resign on moral grounds if the concerned party performs miserably. The political leaders of old parties – the Nepali Congress (NC), Unified Marxist-Leninist (UML), and the Nepali Communist Party (NCP) received a political drubbing by the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) in the recent election. The RSP bagged an overwhelming victory only a spark away from a two-thirds majority in the Parliament. Voices have resonated in the political arena that the leadership of these parties should bow out, paving the way for a new leadership.
Chanakya, a polymath of the first water, has written in his illustrious book Arthashastra that a disliked ruler loses the moral right to rule. The astronomical defeat, like the one seen in the country in the polls, means that the people detest these political parties and the leaders at least for now. The leaders should thus withdraw from their present positions on the basis of morality.
One of the famous resignations made on the basis of morality is the one tendered by Lal Bahadur Shastri, the former prime minister of India. He resigned as the minister of railways after the 1956 Mahbubnagar train accident. Prime Minister Jawahar Lal Nehru refused the resignation. But it was accepted after yet another Ariyalur train accident that occurred just 10 weeks later.
In Nepal, Prime Minister Kirti Nidhi Bista stepped down when fire gutted the Singha Durbar due to a short circuiting in 1973. In stark contrast, then Premier K P Oli refused to even take moral responsibility when several iconic buildings, including the Singha Durbar, fell victim to arson and looting in the aftermath of the Gen Z movement in September. Similarly, Keshar Bahaduar Bista resigned after 71 people died in a windstorm stampede that took place in the Dasarath Stadium during a football match on March 12, 1988. Resignations on the basis of morality have, however, been rare since the 1990 people's movement.
Of all the political leaders, Gagan Thapa of thNC has revived this political phenomenon by relinquishing his office on the basis of morality. The central committee has, however, rejected the resignation. Nevertheless, It has triggered a wave not only in the NC but also in the UML and the NCP, following which the leaders of these parties are under pressure to resign.
Despite setting such a new precedent, the Sher Bahadur Deuba faction is hilariously blaming Thapa, claiming that the NC would have fared better had it contested the election under Deuba. It is an absurd proposition in light of the heavy defeat faced by the UML and the NCP. Had the NC gone under Deuba, it would have lagged behind the UML and NCP, sliding to fourth rank instead of the existing second. NCP leader Rajendra Dahal made this prediction in one of the television interviews.
The UML had organised a General Convention, and Oli was elected with a resounding victory with his competitor Ishwor Pokharel making a very tame surrender. Prachanda had also dumped the Maoist Centre into the political container and formed a new NCP by bringing into its fold several political veterans like Jhala Nath Khanal, Madhav Nepal, Bam Dev Gautam, and Bhim Rawal. In some way or the other, the UML and NCP had gone to the polls under a new leadership even if it was something like old wine in a new bottle. The continuity of the old leaders was against the spirit of the Gen Z movement. Deuba in turn was planning to jump into the election fray without holding any party rejuvenation programmes like the national convention.
Deuba had earned some sympathy after he was thrashed by the protestors following the Gen Z movement, but after heaps of currency notes were found in his residence, the people thought he deserved to be bashed. The alleged corrupt activities of his spouse Arzoo Deuba further tarnished his image. Thapa in turn had improved both his image and that of the party by holding the special national convention. It was recognised by the Election Commission and the Supreme Court as well.
The Deuba group will sink further if it opposes Thapa, especially after several of its members took part in the election under Thapa. This is the height of opportunism which will further doom the Deuba group as they already hold a political stigma of post-democracy and republican ills afflicting the country. Thapa in turn has shrewdly cleansed himself by providing a message of change to the public.
Though defeated in the election, Thapa has won the war of morality. He should now hold the General Convention as soon as possible to prepare for the local election which is merely a year away. It may have lost the federal election but it has the National Assembly and the Provincial and Local Governments where it has an opportunity to perform as per the Gen Z's aspirations for good governance.
Furthermore, it should support the RSP towards implementing its good plans and programmes and give the impression that NC politics is not about opposition for the sake of opposition. The revival of morality in politics will bolster both the image of Thapa and the NC in the forthcoming elections, not only propelling the NC to its earlier glory but also dumping his opponents in the political container.
