Election manifestos are matters of rites for the political parties in Nepal. Yet the intelligentsia digs deep into them in order to decipher the commitments and policies of different political parties since the gap between commitments and actual implementation is so big that the battle of ballots invariably turns into a farce. It is more so in the context of hybridisation of economic ideologies, with all countries adopting western liberal and semi-liberal economic policies for integrating internal market into a global system. China’s economy is thriving today due to its open door policy and flexibility that has brought China closer towards the capitalist Western economy.

Similarly, the so-called socialist India has followed others in privatising and liber alising its economy. Despite such trends, India is still a reluctant power due to various kinds of pressures from different quarters, among which the “Left” parties are prominent. On the one hand, the Left parties cannot reject the liberal economic policies being pursued by the Congress-led United People’s Alliance government, on the other, they seem to be hypersensitive to India being integrated into the world market led by the West.

Nepali parties issue manifestos during election but forget them soon after. Normally, these manifestos promote a “destabilising populism”. However, political parties seem to be more sober and pragmatic in their manifestos this time. One of the important aspects of the whole exercise is that on the political front, all parties are in common but the Rashtriya Prajatantra Party-Nepal, which, unlike other fence-sitters, is upholding constitutional monarchy. On all other agendas, RPP-N is in common with other parties. NC has tried to contextualise itself to the ground realities with the agenda of republic with a ceremonial head of state (president), as is practiced in India.

It seems that most parties are in unison on important issues. However, the CPN-Maoist wants to enforce land reform measures with the slogan of land to the tillers. Whether its so-called economic radicalism pays dividends or not, it has set its economic targets, to be achieved within a given timeframe. Moreover, it wants to transform the existing semi-feudal Nepali state into a progressive republic. NC and UML are no less vocal on such agenda, but their past performances have not been impressive.

NC’s election manifesto has enhanced the image of the party, despite some controversies raised by its leaders on the issue of monarchy. NC manifesto has now cleared such controversies as the party has promised to table a resolution for the enforcement of the agenda of republic at the first meeting of the Constituent Assembly.

On many other issues concerning restructuring of the state along federal lines, most major parties have similar views. Yet the Maoists are committed to creating 11 autonomous regions and three sub-regions such as Mithila, Awadhi and Bhojpuri on the basis of ethnic, territorial and demographic lines. NC and CPN-UML have not come with such divisions but have advocated federal system with three-level hierarchy — centre, provinces and local units. The Maoist manifesto does not have any reservation on giving the right to self-determination to the autonomous regions, while the Seven Party Alliance (SPA) has diluted this issue in the accord reached with the three Madhesi parties prior to the CA election.

On the agenda of the structure of government, almost all parties, but the RPP-N, have chosen either presidential (Maoists), parliamentary with nominal head of State (NC) or Prime Ministerial system (CPN-UML). However, both Maoists and UML are still unclear what kinds of presidential or prime ministerial system they adopt. CPN-Maoist in particular is ambiguous about the presidential system in the context of pluralistic democracy where basic freedoms would be guaranteed as in other developed democracies of the world.

It can only be assumed that the party is less likely to adopt North Korean or Cuban model, given the existing realities of Nepali politics. Is it, then, ready to adopt the US model where separation of powers, checks and balances are based on popular sovereignty? In any vibrant democracy, accountability of rulers is a must even if people elect presidents or prime ministers directly. It also applies to CPN-UML model of directly elected PM, though unless the party comes out with more clear ideas on the issue, its stance will remain vague.

Going by the manifestos, save Rashtriya Prajatantra Party (RPP), the Rashtriya Janasakti and other small parties, Nepal has become federal democratic republic based on the principle and practice of inclusive democracy where ethnic groups, dalits, gender and Madhesis and all other Nepalis would have “self-rule” and “shared-rule” as one political scientist has put it. But this agenda needs restructuring of state through proportionate representation in various agencies of the state — viz. army, police, administration and government.

Prof Baral is executive chairman, NCCS