Nepal and Russia established diplomatic relations on July 20, 1956. For a country like Nepal occupying a sensitive geo-political location between China and India, establishing diplomatic relations with Russia in the Cold War era constituted an epoch-making step towards independent non-aligned foreign policy and a departure from the pro-West and pro-South tilt pursued by the Ranas. Russia then immediately started contributing to producing efficient manpower and nurturing economy by providing scholarships and financial assistance to Nepal.

In the early 1990s, political changes took place both in Nepal and Russia. In a press communiqué on December 28, 1991, Nepal hailed the founding of the Russian Federation following the Soviet Union’s disintegration saying: ‘Nepal is eager to further develop the close, friendly and cooperative relations with Russia on the basis of the principles inherent in the Charter of the United Nations and the mutual interest of the two countries’. The relationship started gaining momentum after the democratic system and economic liberalisation policy. A mechanism was also established at foreign ministerial level to facilitate mutual consultations.

In view of Russia’s improving ties with China and India and a shift from a unipolar to multi-polar relationship, Nepal should take steps to make its relations with Russia closer and dynamic. Russia can hardly afford to stay aloof amid growing multilateral interests and the pouring in of international assistance to Nepal in the wake of the recent democratic change.

Secondly, globalisation calls for increasing partnership as Russia can be an alternative source of resources and an unconventional market, which is rich in petroleum and gas. Nepal, which has experienced economic blockade, cannot afford to ‘put all its eggs in the same basket.’ Nepal, which has the potential of being a transit route between China and India, has also got the potential of being an attractive market for Russia’s technological know-how and capital.

Thirdly, enterprises built by Russia in Nepal have suffered due to neglect. Joint ventures with Russia could be tapped to increase capacity and investments in the construction of tunnel highways, north-south and east-west railways along with the exploration of tripartite joint investments.

Fourthly, economic cooperation commissions with private sector’s representation need encouragement. Aeroflot should either resume flights or private airlines be allowed to operate flights between Russian cities and Kathmandu along with air links between Buddhist-dominated Russian cities and Lumbini.

Fifthly, why cannot Russia with a vast territory in Asia, have observer status in SAARC while China and Japan can hold it. Why should not Nepal become an observer in the Sanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) of Central Asian countries of which Russia and China are founding members? As Nepal’s territory straddles both sides of the Himalayas and has issues of concern in both Central and South Asia, initiatives should be taken to include Russia and Nepal in the SAARC and SCO. This will open new possibilities by boosting bilateral ties to multilateral level. An orientation is needed to assume multi-dimensional, multi-tiered and forward-looking perspective.

Shrestha is a former ambassador to Russia